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01 / 05
Do Human Progress Trends Justify the Status Quo?

Blog Post | Economics

Do Human Progress Trends Justify the Status Quo?

A recent New York Times opinion piece misunderstands the implications of an improving world.

Summary: This article takes on the critics of human progress who claim that acknowledging the world’s improvement leads to complacency and resistance to change. Past progress was the outcome of bold and innovative changes, and future progress similarly depends on our ability to solve the problems we face with curiosity and acceptance of radical change. There is no fundamental limit to human progress, so we can always create a better world for ourselves and others.


Despite often being obscured by doom and gloom in the media, and risks of potential future hardships, the most important trends in human well-being still tell a story of progress.

After falling back slightly in 2020–2022 due in part to the COVID-19 pandemic, global life expectancy has reached an all-time high of about 73 years as of 2023—that’s more than double what it was in 1900. Global literacy, at 87 percent as of 2021, has been rising steadily from 12 percent in 1820. Even climate-related deaths, despite anthropogenic climate change, are still falling steadily due to increased climate resilience—down from almost 500,000 per year in the 1920s to well under 50,000 per year in the last decade.

But what motivation for future action should humanity draw from these and other similar facts? In a recent New York Times opinion piece, London School of Economics economist Jerome Roos criticizes the “progress narrative” as an excuse for inaction:

If doomsday thinkers worry endlessly that things are about to get a lot worse, the prophets of progress maintain that things have only been getting better—and are likely to continue to do so in the future. . . . Exemplified by a slew of best-selling books and viral TED talks, this view tends to downplay the challenges we face and instead insists on the inexorable march of human progress. . . . The Panglossian scenario painted by these new optimists naturally appeals to defenders of the status quo. If things are really getting better, there is clearly no need for transformative change to confront the most pressing problems of our time.

It is generally only the critics of human progress—not its proponents—who draw this profoundly flawed conclusion. Past progress has often been the result of transformative change, from political changes like the abolition of slavery and empowerment of women to technological and scientific changes like the green revolution and the invention of the internet. And it is likely that future progress will also take the form of transformative change to address the most pressing problems of the future.

The story of humanity’s exponential advance since the Industrial Revolution would only represent a call to inaction if progress were fundamentally limited to something approximating what has already been achieved. But that premise is precisely what the “progress narrative” corrects.

No fundamental limit to progress is yet in evidence. In his book The Beginning of Infinity: Explanations That Transform the World, University of Oxford physicist David Deutsch shows the enormity of the burden of proof on anyone positing a fundamental limit to, for example, material progress:

Consider the set of all conceivable transformations of physical objects. Some of those (like faster-than-light communication) never happen because they are forbidden by laws of nature; some (like the formation of stars out of primordial hydrogen) happen spontaneously; and some (such as converting air and water into trees, or converting raw materials into a radio telescope) are possible, but happen only when the requisite knowledge is present—for instance, imbodied in genes or brains. But those are the only possibilities. That is to say, every putative physical transformation, to be performed in a given time with given resources or under any other conditions, is either

— impossible because it is forbidden by the laws of nature; or
— achievable, given the right knowledge.

That momentous dichotomy exists because if there were transformations that technology could never achieve regardless of what knowledge was brought to bear, then this fact would itself be a testable regularity in nature.

Any such regularity, if both demonstrated to exist and shown to broadly prohibit the continued accrual of human knowledge and material advancement for millennia to come, would represent a scientific paradigm shift worthy of a Nobel Prize and then some.

As an example of the implications of his abovementioned dichotomy, Deutsch explains that:

Whether humans could live entirely outside the biosphere—say, on the moon—does not depend on the quirks of human biochemistry. Just as humans currently cause over a tonne of vitamin C to appear in Oxfordshire every week (from their farms and factories), so they could do the same on the moon—and the same goes for breathable air, water, a comfortable temperature and all their other parochial needs. Those needs can all be met, given the right knowledge, by transforming other resources.

Global poverty has been enormously reduced by transformative change throughout the last century, and there is no reason why human enrichment should not continue. Extreme poverty defined as $1.90 per person per day fell steadily from over 75 percent of the population in 1820 (and all of human history before that) to about 60 percent in 1920 to under 10 percent in 2020. Meanwhile, inflation-adjusted gross world product per capita increased from around $1,000 per year to around $15,000 per year over that period. That said, about half the humans on Earth still live on less than $7 per day. So, the urgency of accelerating economic growth and increasing wealth availability is (for practical and moral purposes) as pressing as ever.

And after that, everyone can become countless times wealthier still. What would life be like after another few thousand years of continued technological, scientific, and economic improvements? We can only begin to speculate.

To get a hint of how different the future might look, imagine trying to explain modern prosperity to humans living 12,000 years ago. Those people subsisted from caves or shanty huts and typically died agonizing deaths of disease, violence, or hunger after living only around 30 years on average. What would they think of running water, electric lighting, anesthesia, vaccines, digital photography, air and space travel, 3D printing, ChatGPT, global life expectancies of over 73 years, and so on?

Now think how much greater and faster the next 12,000 years of progress can be, especially given the relatively recent introductions of science, the internet, artificial intelligence, and other innovations capable of exponentially accelerating technological progress.

Perhaps human innovators or artificial intelligence will master the creation and terraforming of idyllic new worlds throughout space, facilitating yet-unimagined horizons of flourishing for life of all sorts. Perhaps biotech will expand the capacity of conscious beings to survive and thrive beyond what the human mind has yet begun to fathom. Or perhaps even these fanciful conjectures will pale in comparison to what the future really holds, as the predictions of past thinkers so often have.

What is the point of bringing up such outlandish-sounding sci-fi scenarios? To show how terribly unambitious it is to suggest, as Roos does, that the progress narrative indicates “no need for transformative change.” On the contrary, it is his apparent ignorance of humanity’s track record of progress that downplays the utility of transformative change.

While misunderstanding the progress narrative’s main advocates on the topic of “transformative change,” Roos also falsely claims that they view progress as “inexorable” and “Panglossian.” These straw men are almost identical to those marshaled by Alain de Botton in his and Malcolm Gladwell’s debate against Matt Ridley and Steven Pinker (two of the most prominent figures advancing the “progress narrative”). In response, Ridley summarizes what he and Pinker make abundantly clear throughout their respective books The Rational Optimist: How Prosperity Evolves and Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress:

Don’t go away with the idea that optimists like Steve and I think the world is perfect. I have no idea where Alain got that idea. Of course we don’t think that! We think quite the reverse! We think this world is a vale of tears, a slough of despond, compared to what it could be, and will be in the future if we do the right things.

The history of progress demonstrates that there is plenty of scope for transformative change. We should not settle for any “status quo” before aging is cured, depression is solved, political oppression is abolished, wealth is universal, space is colonized, quantum mechanics are understood, and every other good thing compatible with the laws of physics is achieved. And if there is no upper limit to how much better things can get, as I suspect there may not be, then stagnation will never be justified. That is the implication of the human progress trends, which are hopefully only just beginning.

World Bank | Economic Growth

Developing Countries Have Seen Sustained Growth Since 1987

“Since the late 1980s, the classification of countries into income categories has transformed. The number of low-income countries has steadily declined, while the number of high-income countries has increased.

This shift reflects broader global economic developments, including sustained growth in many developing countries, greater integration into the global economy, and the effects of policy reforms and international organizations’ support. In 1987, 30% of reporting countries were classified as low-income and 25% as high-income countries. By 2024, these ratios shifted to 12% low-income and 40% high-income.”

From World Bank.

Blog Post | Population Growth

No, Prosperity Doesn’t Cause Population Collapse

Wealth doesn’t have to mean demographic decline.

Summary: For decades, experts assumed that rising prosperity inevitably led to falling birth rates, fueling concerns about population collapse in wealthy societies. But new data show that this link is weakening or even reversing, with many high-income countries now seeing higher fertility than some middle-income nations. As research reveals that wealth and fertility can rise together, policymakers have an opportunity to rethink outdated assumptions about tradeoffs between prosperity and demographic decline.


For years, it was treated as a demographic law: as countries grow wealthier, they have fewer children. Prosperity, it was believed, inevitably drove birth rates down. This assumption shaped countless forecasts about the future of the global population.

And in many wealthy countries, such as South Korea and Italy, very low fertility rates persist. But a growing body of research is challenging the idea that rising prosperity always suppresses fertility.

University of Pennsylvania economist Jesús Fernández-Villaverde recently observed that middle-income countries are now experiencing lower total fertility rates than many advanced economies ever have. His latest work shows that Thailand and Colombia each have fertility rates around 1.0 births per woman, which is even lower than rates in well-known low-fertility advanced economies such as Japan, Spain and Italy.

“My conjecture is that by 2060 or so, we might see rich economies as a group with higher [total fertility rates] than emerging economies,” Fernández-Villaverde predicts.

This changing relationship between prosperity and fertility is already apparent in Europe. For many years, wealthier European countries tended to have lower birth rates than poorer ones. That pattern weakened around 2017, and by 2021 it had flipped.

This change fits a broader historical pattern. Before the Industrial Revolution, wealthier families generally had more children. The idea that prosperity leads to smaller families is a modern development. Now, in many advanced economies, that trend is weakening or reversing. The way that prosperity influences fertility is changing yet again. Wealth and family size are no longer pulling in opposite directions.

This shift also calls into question long-standing assumptions about women’s income and fertility. For years, many economists thought that higher salaries discouraged women from having children by raising the opportunity cost of taking time off work. That no longer seems to hold in many countries.

In several high-income nations, rising female earnings are now associated with higher fertility. Studies in Italy and the Netherlands show that couples where both partners earn well are more likely to have children, while low-income couples are the least likely to do so. Similar findings have emerged from Sweden as well. In Norway, too, higher-earning women now tend to have more babies.

This trend is not limited to Europe. In the United States, richer families are also beginning to have more babies than poorer ones, reversing patterns observed in previous decades. A study of seven countries — including the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany and Australia — found that in every case, higher incomes for both men and women increased the chances of having a child.

This growing body of evidence challenges the assumption that prosperity causes people to have fewer children. 

Still, birth rates are falling across much of the world, with many countries now below replacement level. While this trend raises serious concerns, such as the risk of an aging and less innovative population and widening gaps in public pension solvency, it is heartening that it is not driven by prosperity itself. Wealth does not automatically lead to fewer children, and theories blaming consumerism or rising living standards no longer hold up.

Although the recent shift in the relationship between prosperity and fertility is welcome, it is not yet enough to raise fertility to the replacement rate of around 2.1 children per woman — a challenging threshold to reach.

But the growing number of policymakers around the world concerned about falling fertility can consider many simple, freedom-enhancing reforms that lower barriers to raising a family, including reforms to education, housing and childcare. Still, it’s important to challenge the common assumption that prosperity inevitably leads to lower birth rates: Wealth does not always mean fewer children.

This article was published at The Hill on 6/16/2025.

Axios | Wealth & Poverty

Being a Millionaire Is Kind of Middle Class Now

“The number of ‘everyday’ millionaires — those with wealth between $1 million and $5 million — is soaring…

There were nearly 52 million ‘everyday’ millionaires in the world last year, per a recent report from UBS. That’s four times the number in 2000.

Even accounting for inflation, the number of everyday millionaires in 2024 was 2.5 times what it was in 2000. The wealth manager does not break down how many of these folks live in the U.S. But America has, by far, more millionaires than any other country in the world.

New American millionaires were minted at a rate of about 1,000 a day last year. There are nearly 24 million millionaires in the U.S., 40% of the global total, and about four times the number than runner-up China.”

From Axios.

World Bank | Quality of Government

Côte D’Ivoire’s Land Reforms Are Unlocking Jobs and Growth

“Secure land tenure transforms dormant assets into active capital—unlocking access to credit, encouraging investment, and spurring entrepreneurship. These are the building blocks of job creation and economic growth.

When landowners have secure property rights, they invest more in their land. Existing data shows that with secure property rights, agricultural output increases by 40% on average. Efficient land rental markets also significantly boost productivity, with up to 60% productivity gains and 25% welfare improvements for tenants…

Building on a long-term partnership with the World Bank, the Government of Côte d’Ivoire has dramatically accelerated delivery of formal land records to customary landholders in rural areas by implementing legal, regulatory, and institutional reforms and digitizing the customary rural land registration process, which is led by the Rural Land Agency (Agence Foncière Rurale – AFOR).

This has enabled a five-fold increase in the number of land certificates delivered in just five years compared to the previous 20 years.”

From World Bank.