01 / 05
Free Trade Is Fairer Than You Think

Blog Post | Trade

Free Trade Is Fairer Than You Think

Capitalism fosters impartiality, not unfairness.

Summary: Free trade is often accused of being unfair and corrosive to democratic institutions, concentrating power in the hands of elites while leaving ordinary people behind. The evidence suggests the opposite. Participation in markets cultivates norms of fairness, impartiality, and trust that strengthen democratic institutions and expand individual rights.


In earlier essays, I argued that trade makes us more prosperous, more trusting, and less corrupt. But isn’t trade unfair? Doesn’t the constant churn of global competition take power out of the hands of ordinary people and place it in the hands of wealthy individuals and corporations? Is democracy dying a slow death from the disease of globalization? As I show in this essay, the answer to each of these questions is an emphatic no. Trade, it turns out, strengthens democratic institutions and encourages more impartial treatment of one another. Overall, the complexity of the globalized economy has made us a much fairer bunch.

The French philosopher Montesquieu wrote, “The spirit of commerce produces in men a certain feeling for exact justice.” As Middlebury political scientist Keegan Callanan notes, Montesquieu believed that everyday trade trains us in habits of fair dealing. Over time, these small, routine acts of fairness cultivate a broader sense of exact justice that extends far beyond the marketplace. And researchers have tried to test this philosophical hunch.

Take the Ultimatum Game as an example. In this experiment, two participants are provided a specific sum of money. One participant is granted the power to divide the sum between the two. If the other player accepts the division—whether it is 50:50 or 99:1—both players keep their share. If the receiver rejects the offer, both go home empty-handed. Harvard anthropologist Joseph Henrich has found that proposers from industrial societies (e.g., United States, Indonesia, Japan, and Israel) tend to make offers between 44 and 48 percent, while the Machiguenga of the Peruvian Amazon offer only 26 percent.

Experiments by Henrich and fellow researchers involving 15 small-scale agrarian societies—consisting of hunter-gatherers, horticulturalists, nomadic herders, and sedentary farmers—have also shown that groups more heavily immersed in trade and market exchange with outsiders are less likely to make inequitable offers. Later experiments confirmed “that fairness (making more equal offers) in transactions with anonymous partners is robustly correlated with increasing market integration.”

Within the Ultimatum Game, however, there is still a risk for the proposer: the possibility of going home with nothing if the offer is too small. A proposer might therefore make a more generous offer out of self-interest simply as a strategy to avoid missing out on free money. To explore how deeply rooted this sense of fairness is, Henrich and his colleagues added the Dictator Game to their experiments. In this economic game, the receiver has no opportunity to reject the offer: they get whatever they are given. Yet even under these new rules, Henrich reported that  

people living in more market-integrated communities again made higher offers (closer to 50 percent of the stake). People with little or no market integration offered only about a quarter of the stake. Going from a fully subsistence-oriented population with no market integration…to a fully market-integrated community increases offers by 10 to 20 percentile points [see Figure 1].

Even when fairness and generosity have no strategic payoff, market integration predicts more equal treatment.

Figure 1. Dictator Game offers and market integration

As Montesquieu observed, the habits of fairness developed through everyday trade can extend well beyond the marketplace. Over time, they spill into our civic and political institutions. Democratic governments, in particular, seek to concretize fairness through their procedures and protections. This may help explain why the 2025 Index of Economic Freedom report finds a positive relationship between economic freedom and democratic governance (see Figure 2). Economic freedom, it argues, is “an important stepping stone on the road to democracy.”

Figure 2. Economic freedom and democratic governance

Research has consistently shown trade and market exchange to be champions of democracy. Economists Marco Tabellini and Giacomo Magistretti found that economic integration with democratic countries significantly boosts a country’s democracy scores (see Figure 3). Trade not only transmits goods and services across borders, but also democratic values and institutions. Studies by University of Maribor sociologist Tibor Rutar have also found a positive relationship between trade openness and democracy. Economic freedom has been shown to improve the durability of democratic institutions, while democratic backsliding is often preceded by restrictions on the economy. Political and civil liberties struggle to survive under a heavy-handed state, yet flourish with the expansion of economic freedom (see Figure 4). All in all, democracy and global capitalism appear to be two peas in a pod. As AEI’s Michael Strain explains:

It is no surprise that the rise of populism and economic nationalism has coincided with growing skepticism toward liberal democracy and growing comfort with political violence. The erosion of economic liberalism – free people, free markets, limited government, openness, global commerce – reflects a loss of respect for the choices people make in the marketplace. If we devalue choices made in markets, why wouldn’t we devalue choices made at the ballot box?

Figure 3. Trade with democracies and democratization

Source: Marco Tabellini and Giacomo Magistretti, “Economic Integration and the Transmission of Democracy,” Harvard Business School Working Paper 19-003, March 2024, p. 42.
Note: The y-axis (Polity 2) shows democracy levels. The x-axis (Log) measures trade with democratic countries (relative to GDP).

Figure 4. Economic freedom and personal freedom

Source: Robert Lawson, Ryan Murphy, and Matthew D. Mitchell, “Economic Freedom of the World in 2023,” in Economic Freedom of the World: 2025 Annual Report, eds. James Gwartney, Robert Lawson, and Ryan Murphy (Fraser Institute, 2025), p. 25.

Consider a specific case of unfairness: gender inequality. Generally, fairness is about impartial treatment between various groups. Gender inequality, however, is about impartiality within a group. In Sex and World Peace, Texas A&M’s Valerie Hudson and her colleagues argue that women are often treated as “the boundaries of their nations” because “women physically and culturally reproduce their group.” Far from being outsiders that are merely tolerated, women are seen as the creators and perpetuators of the group itself. “Indeed,” Hudson and her coauthors explain, “this is one of the reasons why the symbol of a nation is often personified as a woman, in order to elicit these deep feelings of protection. A woman becomes a ‘protectee’ of the men of the group, especially those in her own family.”

Unfortunately, the desire to protect women often translates into controlling them. In order to preserve the supposed cultural integrity of the in-group, women’s freedom is restricted. Their behavior becomes closely bound to the honor of their family and community—especially the men of both.

Greater exposure to the global economy, however, weakens this unfair patriarchal hold. For example, political scientists David Richards and Ronald Gelleny explored the effects of economic globalization—measured by foreign direct investment, portfolio investment, trade openness, and IMF and World Bank structural adjustment policies—on what they termed “women’s status” or women’s ability to fully exercise specific rights found in the corpus of international human rights law. Overall, they found that “sixty-seven percent of the statistically significant coefficients indicated an association with improved women’s status.” Similar measures—along with additional indicators such as the number of McDonald’s restaurants and IKEA stores per capita—are associated with improvements in women’s decision-making power within households, freedom in movement and dress, safety from physical violence, ownership rights, and declines in son preference and the number of “missing women.”

Supporting these findings, political scientists Eric Neumayer and Indra de Soysa have shown that increased trade openness reduces forced labor among women and increases their economic rights, including equal pay for equal work, equality in hiring and promotion practices, and the right to gainful employment without the permission of a husband or male relative. Other studies reach similar conclusions. Analyzing global data from 1981 to 2007, Neumayer and de Soysa also found that increased trade openness improves both economic and social rights, including the right to initiate divorce, the right to an education, and freedom from forced sterilization and female genital mutilation.

A study published in the journal International Organization examined four measures of women’s equality: (1) life expectancy at birth, (2) female illiteracy rates among those over age 15, (3) women’s share of the workforce, and (4) women’s share of seats in parliament. The study found that international trade and investment led to improvements in women’s health, literacy, and economic and political participation. The evidence makes clear that economic freedom matters for the well-being of women everywhere (see Figure 5).

Figure 5. Economic freedom and gender equality

Source: Rosemarie Fike, Moving Closer to Gender Equality?, Women and Progress Report, Fraser Institute, 2023, p. 11.
Note: Countries are divided into four quartiles based on their Economic Freedom of the World Index (EFW) scores, from most to least economically free. The EFW measures the size of government, rule of law and property rights, currency stability, trade openness, and regulation. The bars show the average Gender Disparity Index (GDI) score for each quartile. The GDI measures women’s freedom of movement, property rights, freedom to work, and legal status. A higher GDI score indicates greater gender equality.

Unfairness is one of the most common criticisms leveled against commercial society, often accompanied by claims that it undermines democracy and fosters partiality. The evidence presented here suggests the opposite. Engaging in trade and market exchange teaches us to treat others more generously and impartially. The natural outcome of these values is the institutional protection of certain rights. Fair treatment for all becomes the name of the game. We begin to trust one another’s choices and to believe in our shared ability to build society together.

Bloomberg | Trade

European Air-Conditioning Sales Surge

“Chinese companies control two-thirds of the global market for air conditioning, according to researcher Euromonitor International. And they’re growing fast, particularly in Europe. Exports of AC units from China to the European Union hit $3.8 billion in the first half of 2026, up 43% from a year earlier, customs data show. TCL says orders from Europe climbed more than two-thirds in the first half from the same period last year, with sales of portable units surging by more than 90%. Haier reports its sales in France, Germany and the UK more than doubled in June from the same month last year. And Midea says AC revenue in four key European countries rose more than 70% in the first half.”

From Bloomberg.

Blog Post | Trade

How Markets Make Us Better People | Podcast Highlights

Chelsea Follett inerviews Walker Wright about his upcoming book, "In Trade We Trust: How Commerce Makes Us More Social."

Listen to the podcast or read the full transcript here.

What inspired you to write this book?

The economic arguments for markets have generally been won, but the moral argument hasn’t.

Even if people admit that markets lead to greater growth and prosperity, they often say, “But aren’t we losing our souls when we do all this type of stuff?” I wanted to show them how much data there actually is on this topic and make a robust argument for the moral character of markets.

In your first chapter, you discuss the building blocks of a commercial society. What are those building blocks?

When I use the term “commercial society,” I’m riffing off of Adam Smith. The way that he talks about commercial society is very much connected to his notion of division of labor. A commercial society is one in which most people are merchants or middlemen of some sort.

Some of the best proxies are things like the Economic Freedom of the World Index that’s produced by the Fraser Institute. They use five major categories to define economic freedom: the size of government, private property rights and the rule of law, sound money, openness to trade, and regulation. But I also try to point out that a commercial society, a market society, can take various shapes and sizes. Nordic countries, for instance, have large welfare states, but their corporate taxes are low, and their openness to trade is high. You still have this general sense of freedom when it comes to exchange. So, commercial society is a little bit broader than we might think.

Are commercial societies more trusting and trustworthy?

Yes.

In more economically free countries, people are more trusting of strangers. Ginny Choi and Virgil Storr have some interesting data on this, looking at social distance. Everybody usually trusts their close friends and family. Then you move out a bit. What about your neighbors, the people you work with, or the people you go to church with? Then you can go out and out until you reach total strangers. That is what they mean by social distance.

Now, as you increase social distance, trust declines a lot more slowly in market societies, and those in economically free countries tend to trust strangers far more than those in non-market societies. And some have argued that there’s a causal relationship, because when countries implement market reforms, trust starts to rise. It’s still hard to figure out which causes which, but to me, it’s just a virtuous cycle.

Markets run on reputations. When someone cheats you, you don’t want to deal with them anymore. You might make some profit here and there cheating people, but eventually it catches up to you. You find this in laboratory studies and in real life. A market society is built on trust and continually builds trust. It doesn’t just require social capital; it produces it.

There’s a really interesting experiment that took East and West Germans and had them play a kind of dice-rolling game. They found that the longer the exposure someone had to communism, the more likely they were to cheat. Communism and other centralized economic systems require people to work around the system in order to get the things that they need. That trains them to bribe, lie, and act dishonestly.

You also devote a chapter to how people in commercial societies are more fair. Tell me about that.

By fairness, I mean impartiality: treating different people the same way.

One institution that people generally consider fair is democracy, and some have argued that markets tend to undermine democracy. That isn’t the case. There was a recent study by Alex Tabarrok and Vincent Geloso that found an interdependence between democracy and economic freedom. As economic freedom goes down, democracy tends to decline. And, in a number of studies, economic freedom tends to have a strong effect on other human rights.

So, economic freedom tends to lay the foundation for the political institutions that protect our rights. But again, this trickles down into the broader culture. There was one study that looked at different villagers and had them perform an experiment in which they had the option to cheat someone else. They found that those with greater market contact treated other participants more impartially, while those with less market contact were more willing to cheat non-villagers. You also see this in some of the work of Joseph Henrich and others. They’ve gone to agrarian societies, like hunter-gatherer societies, and played the ultimatum game. The ultimatum game involves a giver and a receiver. The giver can choose to split a particular sum. They could split it 50/50, but they might split it 99 to 1. And if the receiver says, “Yeah, I’ll take that,” then you both go home with it. But if the receiver says, “No, I don’t want that. That’s unfair,” nobody gets it. They found that those with more market contact left more on the table in these games.

The explanation is that market contact allows you to see others as beneficial to you, which makes you treat people better. You see others less as threats, and more as potential collaborators.

Let’s talk about gender relations. Is it true, as you write, that there are fewer battles of the sexes in a commercial society?

Sex is probably one of the biggest factors that influences how other people treat us. Many societies have attitudes like, “we have to protect the women.” And a lot of the time that protection ends up being a kind of patriarchal control over the household.

Economic freedom undermines that structure. Once you start to place more economic activity outside of the home, women start to go outside the home and earn their own money, and with their own income, women can escape an abusive household or a bad marriage. You also see equalization across the genders. You see it with income, as well as with literacy and education. There’s a delay in childbearing. Women start to be more present in public life rather than confined to the household. And when they are seen in public, competent and making decisions, it changes people’s perspectives. If you care about women’s rights, you should care about economic freedom as well.

So, women are treated better in commercial societies. What about more broadly? Are people more tolerant generally in a commercial society?

Yeah, that’s another thing. Discrimination has costs. When you cut yourself off from a whole subset of the population because of their race, ethnicity, religion, or whatever, you can’t do business with them. You’re gonna miss out on customers and talent. And you do see that as economic freedom goes up, racial tolerance goes up, tolerance towards homosexuals goes up, and also tolerance towards groups with ideas you may not like, like atheists or even communists. In India, you’re seeing the caste system start to decline since the market reforms in the 1990s. People are more willing to do things with Dalits who were considered “untouchables.”

Antisemitism is a particularly potent kind of prejudice that has a somewhat mixed relationship with economic freedom. Some aspects of economic freedom, like open trade, for example, tend to increase antisemitism somewhat. But other aspects, such as the rule of law and property rights, tend to decrease it. Overall, however, you still find that antisemitism tends to fall with greater economic freedom.

Now, when you claim that commercial societies are less racist, invariably someone is going to respond that in the history of capitalism, there was a long period when human beings could be bought and sold based on race. So tell me, what about slavery?

Yes. It’s a totally legitimate concern.

I try to point out that people like Adam Smith made both moral and economic arguments against slavery. They argued that slavery was inefficient compared with free labor. Slavery is probably the most restrictive form of labor market regulation there is. You’re depriving a subset of the population of the rights that other people have, and you are restricting them to a certain plot of land or to a certain task. That becomes less productive over time. A variety of studies have shown that areas which have slavery or used to have slavery even tend to lag behind those that either got rid of it more quickly or used a freer labor system.

I also think it’s important to point out that slavery was heavily regulated and supported by the government. Phil Magness in particular has pointed out that slavery in the United States was a heavily subsidized system that wasn’t very economically competitive.

Moving on to another form of violence. Do commercial societies fight other countries less?

Yes. In general, international trade tends to lead to fewer wars. The logic behind this is pretty straightforward: if your customers are in another country or your supply chain runs through another country, bombing it into oblivion is less attractive. And when a country produces goods and services that you buy, they become partners of some sort, and you’re less likely to fight your friends. But you also see an effect on civil wars and coups. You’re less likely to experience coups in societies that are more market-oriented and have more open trade. You’re also less likely to see ethnic and religious conflicts.

Theres an idea called the democratic peace, which is basically that democracies are less likely to fight one another. But there’s also the capitalist peace, which is that capitalist countries and trading countries are less likely to fight one another. It seems that over time, the way the literature is going, the capitalist peace is starting to take over. Some might dispute that, but at the very least, the liberal peace, as it’s sometimes called, includes economic interdependence.

You also claim that fewer citizens are killed in commercial societies.

Yes. Less economically free countries are far more likely to kill their own citizens and violate their human rights. One of the things they’ve found is that the more a country is open to trade, the less likely it is to experience a government-led genocide. When you don’t centralize all the power, it’s a lot harder to go after your citizens.

Even when it comes to citizen-on-citizen violence, or violent crime, you do find a relationship with economic freedom. Government restrictions on the economy tend to create black markets, which are often very violent. One reason for that is there’s no government protection of property rights, because your property is illegal, so you have to protect your own property using violence.

This is an uplifting story one doesn’t usually hear about market economies or commercial societies. Do you have any concluding thoughts?

It’s a story that doesn’t get told very often, but it is robustly demonstrated in the empirical literature.

How can we treat each other better? How can we not be so violent? Well, you could try buying and selling from one another. You could try focusing on your customers. You could try creating value for others. Because here’s the thing, when you engage in commerce, you are trying to create value for someone else, and they are trying to create value for you. Over time, you begin to value that person.

Sometimes people will come at me with that, where they’ll say, “That is very utilitarian. Is it really true friendship?”

Aristotle had three major categories of friendship. He starts with a lower friendship of utility, where someone is useful to you in some way. Then there’s a higher friendship of pleasure, where you enjoy their company to some degree. And then there’s a friendship of excellence, the kind of friendship where you want the absolute best for one another.

So people are often saying, “Commerce doesn’t create top-tier friendship.” Well, maybe not at first, but it does create a lot of lower-tier utility friendships and pleasure friendships. Those friendships may be incomplete in some sense, but they matter. And they’re much better than people being enemies. That’s what commerce really does throughout the world.

The Human Progress Podcast | Ep. 83

Walker Wright: How Markets Make Us Better People

Walker Wright discusses the evidence linking economic freedom to good behavior.

Financial Times | Infrastructure & Transportation

First Regular Arctic Container Service May Halve China-UK Time

“The Arctic is emerging as a viable alternative to the world’s traditional shipping routes as melting polar ice shortens the journey between Europe and Asia and vessels seek to avoid maritime chokepoints.

Sea Legend, a Chinese container shipping company focusing on the Turkish and North African markets, will this week launch the first regular container shipping service through the Arctic.

The weekly service will skirt the north Russian coast on its journey between Ningbo on China’s east coast and Felixstowe in the UK. The company has branded the service the 'Ice Silk Road' in reference to the Silk Road trading route that once connected China and Europe.

The voyage will cut the usual 40-day sailing time between the two ports by about half, depending on the conditions in the Arctic Circle. The move follows a record 23 transits through the Northern Sea Route last summer, up from 15 voyages in 2024.”

From Financial Times.