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01 / 05
Why Free Economies Are Honest Economies

Blog Post | Trust

Why Free Economies Are Honest Economies

Market freedom rewards honesty. Regulation breeds corruption.

Summary: Many people assume that markets breed dishonesty, but the opposite is true. Commerce depends on trust. Repeated exchange and reputation make honesty not just virtuous, but profitable. When trade is open and competition thrives, deceit is punished and integrity is rewarded. By contrast, heavy regulation invites corruption and favoritism. A truly commercial society, grounded in voluntary exchange and mutual accountability, is also a more honest and trustworthy one.


In my previous essays, I argued that a trade society is both a prosperous and trust-based society. Trust and trustworthiness in society revolve around norms of honesty. Dishonesty breeds distrust and frays the threads of our social fabric. Some may worry that dishonesty is the lifeblood of a commercial society: a system that runs on lies, with an every-man-for-himself attitude and shady opportunists around every corner. In fact, greater honesty is best achieved through reputational pressures and the mutual accountability that is fostered by frequent exchange; frequent exchange is enabled by the removal of corrupting restrictions.

In his Lectures on Jurisprudence, the Scottish economist Adam Smith described the commercial society in the following terms:

Whenever commerce is introduced into any country, probity and punctuality always accompany it . . . Of all the nations in Europe … the most commercial, are the most faithfull to their word … A dealer is afraid of losing his character, and is scrupulous in observing every engagement … When people seldom deal with one another, we find that they are somewhat disposed to cheat … When the greater part of people are merchants they always bring probity and punctuality into fashion, and these therefore are the principal virtues of a commercial nation.

In Smith’s view, fear of reputational damage and unemployment prevents fraud and dishonesty. He believed that success within a commercial society stems from “prudent, just, firm, and temperate conduct” and “almost always depends upon the favour and good opinion of … neighbours and equals; and without a tolerably regular conduct these can very seldom be obtained. The good old proverb, therefore, that honesty is the best policy, holds, in such situations, almost always perfectly true.” For Smith, the market in many ways makes us accountable to each other: repeated dealings and fear of reputational damage incentivize honest behavior. And plenty of empirical evidence supports his outlook.

Laboratory experiments demonstrate that trade teaches participants whom to trust and whom not to. Dishonest behavior is punished in the marketplace, providing an incentive for participants to be honest in their dealings. For example, one study found that adding market competition to the experiment reduced sellers’ over-diagnosis of high-quality treatment (when lower-quality would suffice) and increased buyer trust. Another experiment found that introducing market competition into one-off exchanges boosted trust and efficiency to match that of trading networks built on repeated interactions. Adding market competition and private reputation information in one experiment tripled trust and trustworthiness while increasing efficiency tenfold. By practicing honesty to protect their reputations, trade participants eventually internalize honesty as a habit.

Conversely, trade restrictions lead to greater dishonesty. For example, Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) measures the perceived levels of public sector corruption across numerous countries using multiple surveys of business people and country experts (Figure 1). Various studies that rely on the CPICPI have shown that a greater amount of international trade and foreign direct investment and low levels of state control of the economy curtail corruption. High levels of regulation—including regulation on trade—tend to be a strong predictor of corruption. Even seemingly small adjustments to trade procedures can make a difference. For example, the World Bank’s 2020 Doing Business report found that “economies that have adopted electronic means of compliance with regulatory requirements . . . experience a lower incidence of bribery.” That includes digital trade reforms such as electronic single-window systems, e-payments, paperless clearance, online certificate issuance, and more.

Figure 1. Corruption Perceptions Index scale

More recently, a 2023 study looked at firm-level data across 138 countries and confirmed that the imposition of more red tape in public services—such as import licenses—is associated with a greater tendency to pay bribes, particularly in nondemocratic countries. Similarly, a recent study found that India’s trade liberalization since the early 1990s, especially tariff reductions, significantly reduced the economic advantages of politically connected firms by decreasing their reliance on political favoritism. It appears that the friendlier a nation’s economy is to trade, the less corrupt it tends to be. Economic restrictions and regulations allow corruption to grow, instead of the economy. By reducing barriers, more trade is unleashed, which in turn promotes the “probity and punctuality” that Smith described.

When the level of economic freedom within countries is compared to their level of corruption, economically-free countries come out looking relatively clean. And the scores of the freest countries are more than twice as high as those of the least free countries (Figure 2). That’s because various aspects of economic freedom—including trade openness—are associated with less corruption. Freer trade makes reputation king, mitigating corrupt incentives and embedding honest norms throughout society.

Figure 2. Economic freedom and corruption

Source: Robert Lawson, Ryan Murphy, and Matthew D. Mitchell, “Economic Freedom of the World in 2022,” in Economic Freedom of the World: 2024 Annual Report, eds. James Gwartney, Robert Lawson, and Ryan Murphy (Fraser Institute, 2024), p. 33. Higher CPI scores denote less corruption.

As a case in point, East Germany suffered under severe trade restrictions prior to the fall of the Berlin Wall. After testing randomly selected German citizens on their willingness to cheat at a die-rolling game, researchers found that those who had East German (communist) roots were significantly more likely to cheat compared to those with West German (capitalist) roots. It was also shown that the longer the person had exposure to communism and its trade barriers (i.e., those who were at least 20 years old when the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 compared to those who were only 10 years old), the greater their likelihood to cheat.

These findings are supported by the work of the Mercatus Center’s Virgil Storr and Ginny Choi, who discovered a significant difference in attitudes between members of nonmarket and market societies: More than double the number of nonmarket residents versus market residents believe that avoiding fares on public transport, cheating on taxes, and bribery are justifiable. Those from nonmarket societies are also more accepting of theft compared to those from market societies (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Market versus nonmarket societies on dishonest behavior

Source: Virgil Henry Storr and Ginny Choi, Do Markets Corrupt Our Morals? (Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), p. 172.

Follow-up studies by other researchers have drawn similar conclusions about market societies and honest behavior. For example, a 2023 study surveyed residents in both market and nonmarket societies on their attitudes toward claiming government benefits to which they are not entitled, avoiding fares on public transport, and cheating on taxes. After controlling for a number of variables, they found that those with greater exposure to markets were less likely to justify these dishonest actions. What’s more, individuals who preferred markets (“market thinking”) were also less likely to justify dishonesty. The researchers concluded that there is “a universal association between markets and morality” and “a robust association between an increase in market exposure and an increase in civic morality.”

Even within communist countries, research shows that the more trade-oriented areas tend to be the least corrupt. A study in China Economic Review employed the National Economic Research Institute (NERI) Index of Marketization, which measures five major fields of Chinese marketization with 23 indicators. Examining different provinces in China, the authors’ analysis found that deregulation and trade reduce corruption: a 1 percent increase in the marketization index leads to a 2.72 percent reduction in corruption. Regions that increased trade openness by 1 percent experienced a 0.35 percent reduction in corruption.

Overall, the evidence overwhelmingly suggests that open economies stifle the spread of corruption and reinforce honest habits through reputation-building exchange. The removal of trade barriers allows for more commerce to take place and, consequently, more reputations to be a stake—a powerful incentive to keep honorable reputations intact. The most enduring way to achieve this is through genuinely honest conduct. A commercial society is, at its core, a society of integrity: it limits the opportunities for corruption and encourages honest behavior in the process. The norms of commerce—Smith’s “probity and punctuality”—settle in like a kind of glue, helping to bind society together.

Blog Post | Trade

Free Trade Is Fairer Than You Think

Capitalism fosters impartiality, not unfairness.

Summary: Free trade is often accused of being unfair and corrosive to democratic institutions, concentrating power in the hands of elites while leaving ordinary people behind. The evidence suggests the opposite. Participation in markets cultivates norms of fairness, impartiality, and trust that strengthen democratic institutions and expand individual rights.


In earlier essays, I argued that trade makes us more prosperous, more trusting, and less corrupt. But isn’t trade unfair? Doesn’t the constant churn of global competition take power out of the hands of ordinary people and place it in the hands of wealthy individuals and corporations? Is democracy dying a slow death from the disease of globalization? As I show in this essay, the answer to each of these questions is an emphatic no. Trade, it turns out, strengthens democratic institutions and encourages more impartial treatment of one another. Overall, the complexity of the globalized economy has made us a much fairer bunch.

The French philosopher Montesquieu wrote, “The spirit of commerce produces in men a certain feeling for exact justice.” As Middlebury political scientist Keegan Callanan notes, Montesquieu believed that everyday trade trains us in habits of fair dealing. Over time, these small, routine acts of fairness cultivate a broader sense of exact justice that extends far beyond the marketplace. And researchers have tried to test this philosophical hunch.

Take the Ultimatum Game as an example. In this experiment, two participants are provided a specific sum of money. One participant is granted the power to divide the sum between the two. If the other player accepts the division—whether it is 50:50 or 99:1—both players keep their share. If the receiver rejects the offer, both go home empty-handed. Harvard anthropologist Joseph Henrich has found that proposers from industrial societies (e.g., United States, Indonesia, Japan, and Israel) tend to make offers between 44 and 48 percent, while the Machiguenga of the Peruvian Amazon offer only 26 percent.

Experiments by Henrich and fellow researchers involving 15 small-scale agrarian societies—consisting of hunter-gatherers, horticulturalists, nomadic herders, and sedentary farmers—have also shown that groups more heavily immersed in trade and market exchange with outsiders are less likely to make inequitable offers. Later experiments confirmed “that fairness (making more equal offers) in transactions with anonymous partners is robustly correlated with increasing market integration.”

Within the Ultimatum Game, however, there is still a risk for the proposer: the possibility of going home with nothing if the offer is too small. A proposer might therefore make a more generous offer out of self-interest simply as a strategy to avoid missing out on free money. To explore how deeply rooted this sense of fairness is, Henrich and his colleagues added the Dictator Game to their experiments. In this economic game, the receiver has no opportunity to reject the offer: they get whatever they are given. Yet even under these new rules, Henrich reported that  

people living in more market-integrated communities again made higher offers (closer to 50 percent of the stake). People with little or no market integration offered only about a quarter of the stake. Going from a fully subsistence-oriented population with no market integration…to a fully market-integrated community increases offers by 10 to 20 percentile points [see Figure 1].

Even when fairness and generosity have no strategic payoff, market integration predicts more equal treatment.

Figure 1. Dictator Game offers and market integration

As Montesquieu observed, the habits of fairness developed through everyday trade can extend well beyond the marketplace. Over time, they spill into our civic and political institutions. Democratic governments, in particular, seek to concretize fairness through their procedures and protections. This may help explain why the 2025 Index of Economic Freedom report finds a positive relationship between economic freedom and democratic governance (see Figure 2). Economic freedom, it argues, is “an important stepping stone on the road to democracy.”

Figure 2. Economic freedom and democratic governance

Research has consistently shown trade and market exchange to be champions of democracy. Economists Marco Tabellini and Giacomo Magistretti found that economic integration with democratic countries significantly boosts a country’s democracy scores (see Figure 3). Trade not only transmits goods and services across borders, but also democratic values and institutions. Studies by University of Maribor sociologist Tibor Rutar have also found a positive relationship between trade openness and democracy. Economic freedom has been shown to improve the durability of democratic institutions, while democratic backsliding is often preceded by restrictions on the economy. Political and civil liberties struggle to survive under a heavy-handed state, yet flourish with the expansion of economic freedom (see Figure 4). All in all, democracy and global capitalism appear to be two peas in a pod. As AEI’s Michael Strain explains:

It is no surprise that the rise of populism and economic nationalism has coincided with growing skepticism toward liberal democracy and growing comfort with political violence. The erosion of economic liberalism – free people, free markets, limited government, openness, global commerce – reflects a loss of respect for the choices people make in the marketplace. If we devalue choices made in markets, why wouldn’t we devalue choices made at the ballot box?

Figure 3. Trade with democracies and democratization

Source: Marco Tabellini and Giacomo Magistretti, “Economic Integration and the Transmission of Democracy,” Harvard Business School Working Paper 19-003, March 2024, p. 42.
Note: The y-axis (Polity 2) shows democracy levels. The x-axis (Log) measures trade with democratic countries (relative to GDP).

Figure 4. Economic freedom and personal freedom

Source: Robert Lawson, Ryan Murphy, and Matthew D. Mitchell, “Economic Freedom of the World in 2023,” in Economic Freedom of the World: 2025 Annual Report, eds. James Gwartney, Robert Lawson, and Ryan Murphy (Fraser Institute, 2025), p. 25.

Consider a specific case of unfairness: gender inequality. Generally, fairness is about impartial treatment between various groups. Gender inequality, however, is about impartiality within a group. In Sex and World Peace, Texas A&M’s Valerie Hudson and her colleagues argue that women are often treated as “the boundaries of their nations” because “women physically and culturally reproduce their group.” Far from being outsiders that are merely tolerated, women are seen as the creators and perpetuators of the group itself. “Indeed,” Hudson and her coauthors explain, “this is one of the reasons why the symbol of a nation is often personified as a woman, in order to elicit these deep feelings of protection. A woman becomes a ‘protectee’ of the men of the group, especially those in her own family.”

Unfortunately, the desire to protect women often translates into controlling them. In order to preserve the supposed cultural integrity of the in-group, women’s freedom is restricted. Their behavior becomes closely bound to the honor of their family and community—especially the men of both.

Greater exposure to the global economy, however, weakens this unfair patriarchal hold. For example, political scientists David Richards and Ronald Gelleny explored the effects of economic globalization—measured by foreign direct investment, portfolio investment, trade openness, and IMF and World Bank structural adjustment policies—on what they termed “women’s status” or women’s ability to fully exercise specific rights found in the corpus of international human rights law. Overall, they found that “sixty-seven percent of the statistically significant coefficients indicated an association with improved women’s status.” Similar measures—along with additional indicators such as the number of McDonald’s restaurants and IKEA stores per capita—are associated with improvements in women’s decision-making power within households, freedom in movement and dress, safety from physical violence, ownership rights, and declines in son preference and the number of “missing women.”

Supporting these findings, political scientists Eric Neumayer and Indra de Soysa have shown that increased trade openness reduces forced labor among women and increases their economic rights, including equal pay for equal work, equality in hiring and promotion practices, and the right to gainful employment without the permission of a husband or male relative. Other studies reach similar conclusions. Analyzing global data from 1981 to 2007, Neumayer and de Soysa also found that increased trade openness improves both economic and social rights, including the right to initiate divorce, the right to an education, and freedom from forced sterilization and female genital mutilation.

A study published in the journal International Organization examined four measures of women’s equality: (1) life expectancy at birth, (2) female illiteracy rates among those over age 15, (3) women’s share of the workforce, and (4) women’s share of seats in parliament. The study found that international trade and investment led to improvements in women’s health, literacy, and economic and political participation. The evidence makes clear that economic freedom matters for the well-being of women everywhere (see Figure 5).

Figure 5. Economic freedom and gender equality

Source: Rosemarie Fike, Moving Closer to Gender Equality?, Women and Progress Report, Fraser Institute, 2023, p. 11.
Note: Countries are divided into four quartiles based on their Economic Freedom of the World Index (EFW) scores, from most to least economically free. The EFW measures the size of government, rule of law and property rights, currency stability, trade openness, and regulation. The bars show the average Gender Disparity Index (GDI) score for each quartile. The GDI measures women’s freedom of movement, property rights, freedom to work, and legal status. A higher GDI score indicates greater gender equality.

Unfairness is one of the most common criticisms leveled against commercial society, often accompanied by claims that it undermines democracy and fosters partiality. The evidence presented here suggests the opposite. Engaging in trade and market exchange teaches us to treat others more generously and impartially. The natural outcome of these values is the institutional protection of certain rights. Fair treatment for all becomes the name of the game. We begin to trust one another’s choices and to believe in our shared ability to build society together.

Blog Post | Cost of Material Goods

The Steep Climb of Bicycle Abundance

Entry-level workers can get 20.9 bicycles today for the time it took to earn one in 1910.

Summary: The bicycle, once a costly luxury, has become a symbol of how innovation transforms scarcity into abundance. What began as a marvel of mechanics in the 19th century is now affordable to nearly everyone, thanks to rising productivity and human ingenuity. Over time, free markets and technological progress have multiplied access to tools of freedom and mobility.


In 1885, John Kemp Starley invented the modern bicycle with two wheels of the same size and a rear wheel connected and driven by a chain. Interest in the new innovation exploded. By the 1890s, Europe and the United States were in the midst of a bike craze. A New York Times article from 1896 gushed that “the bicycle promises a splendid extension of personal power and freedom, scarcely inferior to what wings would give.” Long before their first flight in 1903, the Wright brothers were mastering gears, chains, and balance as talented bicycle mechanics and designers.

In 1910, you could buy a basic bicycle for $11.95 from the Sears, Roebuck, and Co. catalog. This sounds like a low price until you realize that entry-level, unskilled wages were $0.11 an hour. This means that it would have taken 108.6 hours to earn the money to buy one bicycle. Today, you can buy a basic bike at Walmart for $98, and entry-level limited food service workers wages are $18.75 per hour, indicating a time price of 5.2 hours. The time price has fallen 95.19 percent. For the time required to earn the money to buy one bicycle in 1910, you get 20.9 today. Personal bicycle abundance has increased 1,990 percent.

This astonishing increase in bicycle abundance occurred while the global population increased 369 percent, from 1.75 billion to 8.2 billion. Every 1 percent increase in population corresponded to a 5.4 percent increase in personal bicycle abundance. It’s as if all the new people brought their own bicycle as well as extra bicycles to share with everyone else.

When human beings are free to innovate, they turn scarcities into abundances.

Find more of Gale’s work at his Substack, Gale Winds.

Axios | Air Transport

Walmart Expands Drone Delivery with Wing to 150 More Stores

“Alphabet-owned Wing is expanding its drone delivery service to an additional 150 Walmart stores across the U.S., stretching from Los Angeles to Miami.

Why it matters: Last-minute drone delivery of a carton of eggs or baby wipes might seem fanciful to most people. But the future is already here if you live in Dallas — where some Walmart customers order delivery by Wing three times a week.

By the end of 2026, some 40 million Americans, or about 12 percent of the U.S. population, will be able to take advantage of the convenience, the companies claim.”

From Axios.

New York Times | Economic Growth

IMF Raises Forecast for Global Growth as Tariff Drag Fades

“The world economy is projected to grow faster this year than previously expected, the International Monetary Fund said on Monday, as surging investment in artificial intelligence and other technology is poised to offset the headwinds of rising protectionism.

In its latest World Economic Outlook, the I.M.F. forecast that global output will hold at 3.3 percent for a third consecutive year. The estimate is 0.2 percentage points higher than the fund’s prediction in October, but growth is expected to slow to 3.2 percent in 2027. Global inflation is expected to ease this year to 3.8 percent, from 4.1 percent in 2025.”

From New York Times.