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Centers of Progress, Pt. 22: Manchester (Industrialization)

Blog Post | Trade & Manufacturing

Centers of Progress, Pt. 22: Manchester (Industrialization)

Introducing the city at the heart of the first Industrial Revolution.

Today marks the twenty-second installment in a series of articles by HumanProgress.org called Centers of Progress. Where does progress happen? The story of civilization is in many ways the story of the city. It is the city that has helped to create and define the modern world. This bi-weekly column will give a short overview of urban centers that were the sites of pivotal advances in culture, economics, politics, technology, etc.

Our twenty-second Center of Progress is Manchester during the first Industrial Revolution (1760-1850). Sometimes called “the first industrial city,” Manchester epitomized the rapid changes of an era that transformed human existence more than any other period in history. Manchester was among the earliest cities to experience industrialization. The city’s metamorphosis wasn’t easy, as it entailed working and living conditions far below those that we are used to today. But Manchester ultimately helped to uplift humanity by paving the way to the post-industrial prosperity that so many of us now enjoy.

Today, Manchester is the fifth most populous city in the United Kingdom. The city is famous for its soccer team, Manchester United, which has won more trophies than any other English football club (i.e., soccer team). Nicknamed the Red Devils, Manchester’s is among the world’s most popular and highest-earning soccer teams. Manchester is also known for its large research university, where the atom was first split in 1917. The University of Manchester operates the Jodrell Bank Observatory, a designated UNESCO World Heritage Site due to its substantive impact on research during the start of the Space Age. Manchester has also made notable contributions to music, producing groups such as the Bee Gees, who were among the best-selling musical artists in history. Much of the city’s architecture dates to the industrial era, with many prominent warehouses, factories, railway viaducts, and canals still remaining.

The area where Manchester now stands has been inhabited since at least the Bronze Age, originally by ancient Celtic Britons. Around the 70s CE, Romans conquered the area. They called the outpost Mamucium. That is thought to be a Latinization of the prior name for the settlement in Old Brittonic, which likely meant “breast-shaped hill.” Mamucium eventually became known as Manchester, with the Old English -chester suffix coming from the Latin castra, meaning “fortified town.” After the Romans departed Britain, the settlement of Manchester changed hands among several kingdoms during the middle ages and the Norman conquest of the area. Manchester first became known for the cloth trade in the 14th century, when a wave of Flemish immigrant weavers who produced linen and wool settled in the town. By the 16th century, Manchester’s economy revolved around the wool trade. A cottage industry, wool production was a slow and painstaking process that took place within individual households.

Manchester was a flourishing but small market town before the Industrial Revolution, with a population of fewer than ten thousand people at the start of the 18th century. As technological advances increased the efficiency of the cloth business, the city’s growth began to take off in the 1760s. The city’s canals, cotton-friendly climate, and location allowing for easy transport of goods into and out of the city, all destined Manchester to become a key industrial center once the right technology arose.

The Industrial Revolution is often said to have begun when the spinning jenny was invented in Oswaldtwistle, 25 miles northwest of Manchester, in 1764 or 1765. The spinning jenny was a frame for spinning wool or cotton with increased speed by using multiple spindles. It represented the first fully mechanized production process. Then, in 1771, another new invention, the water frame, was installed in a Cromford factory 50 miles southeast of Manchester. That invention used a water-wheel to power a spinning frame. Around 1779, in Bolton, which is located 15 miles northwest of Manchester, the inventor Samuel Crompton combined aspects of the spinning jenny and the water frame into the “spinning mule.”

The spinning mule greatly sped up the process of producing yarn. In fact, versions of the spinning mule are still used today in the production of yarns from certain delicate fibers such as alpaca hair. Water-powered textile mills making use of the new technology soon popped up across the region.

In 1781, just two years after the spinning mule’s introduction, the development of viable steam engines then enabled the growth of larger, more powerful, steam-powered textile mills. Steam power was a game-changer. While humanity had known about steam power since Hero of Alexandria (mentioned in our eighth Centers of Progress installment) demonstrated the phenomenon as a novelty in the first century CE, finally gaining the ability to harness steam in a practical way was the pivotal moment of the Industrial Revolution. Improved steam engines led to the swift industrialization of England’s cloth industry, allowing the spinning and weaving of textiles with a rapidity never before achieved.

Manchester opened its first cotton mill in 1782—the five-story Shudehill Mill that is also sometimes called Simpson’s Mill. It made use of a thirty-foot water-wheel and cutting-edge steam power. By the year 1800, Manchester was described as “steam mill mad,” with over forty mills. By that same year, the city’s population had grown almost tenfold from the start of the 18th century, reaching around eighty-nine thousand souls. Between 1801 and the 1820s the population doubled. By 1830, Manchester boasted ninety-nine distinct cotton-spinning mills.

That year, the world’s first modern railway, “the Liverpool and Manchester” (L&MR) opened and supercharged Manchester’s already-booming textile industry. It did so by speeding up the importation of raw materials from Liverpool’s ports into Manchester’s factories, as well as the export of finished textile products out of Manchester. The 31-mile-long L&MR was both the first railway to exclusively serve steam-powered automotives and the world’s first inter-city railway. It was also the first railway to use a double track, operate fully on a regular time-table, employ a signaling system, and transport mail. By the end of the first Industrial Revolution in 1850, Manchester was home to some 400,000 people. The erstwhile obscure market town had become second only to London in importance within Britain and came to be called that nation’s “second city.”

The swelling of the population was driven by an inpouring of young men and women from the English countryside and from Ireland, drawn by the promise of work in the new factories and mills. Compared to back-breaking agricultural labor or lives of domestic servitude (in an era when many employers beat their servants with impunity), many people found even the famously harsh working conditions within the mills to be preferable to their other options. Mills paid high wages compared to opportunities in rural areas, and most migrants to the city saw an appreciable rise in their incomes. Gradually, and for the first time in history, a large middle class emerged.

That is not to make light of the working environment within early Industrial Revolution-era Manchester’s factories, which saw long hours, high rates of injury and the frequent use of child labor. Although it must be noted that child labor was not an innovation of the Industrial Revolution—it had tragically existed since time immemorial among the poor. In fact, it was only during the Industrial Revolution that living conditions improved so much that child labor began to come under scrutiny, resulting in Britain’s 1833 Factory Act. The Act is thought to be the world’s first anti-child labor legislation. Other acts followed.

If you could visit Manchester during the first Industrial Revolution, you would probably enter the city via steam-powered locomotive and your first sight of the city would be its bustling train station. You would emerge from the station into a city defined by a skyline of industrial smokestacks that the poet William Blake famously described as “dark Satanic mills.” In 1814, the British civil servant Johann May described that skyline as a sign of technological progress:

Manchester [has] hundreds of factories … which tower up to five and six storeys in height. Huge chimneys at the side of these buildings belch forth black coal vapours, and this tells us that powerful steam engines are used. The clouds of vapour can be viewed afar. The houses are blackened by it.

The sound might have been deafening. The French political philosopher Alexis de Tocquevillle described Manchester in 1835 by noting that the “crunching wheels of machinery, the shriek of steam from boilers, the regular beat of the looms… are the noises from which you can never escape.” And among the people in the streets you might have observed various protestors. The city was at the vanguard of radical political movements ranging from women’s suffrage and anti-Corn Law advocacy to communism.

The German political philosopher Friedrich Engels came to Manchester in 1842. He worked there as a cotton merchant by day and opined about the state of the city’s poor by night, culminating in the publication of The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. One passage on Manchester’s slums reads,

In a rather deep hole … surrounded on all four sides by tall factories … stand two groups of about 200 cottages, built chiefly back to back, in which live about 4,000 human beings, most of them Irish. The cottages are old, dirty, and of the smallest sort, the streets uneven, fallen into ruts and in part without drains or pavement; masses of refuse, offal, and sickening filth lie among standing pools in all directions.

What Engels failed to notice was that for the first time in history, such abject levels of poverty were actually in decline—within his own lifetime the average Englishman became three times richer.

Penury had always been the default state for the vast majority of humanity. Then, suddenly, average incomes not only began to rise, but rose exponentially. The famous hockey-stick chart, perhaps the most important graph in the world, illustrates the dramatic shift. Humanity has produced more economic output over the last two centuries than in all of the previous centuries combined. That explosion of wealth-creation soon led to a massive decrease in the rate of poverty and improvements in living standards. Not long after incomes took off, life expectancy followed. The economic historian Deirdre McCloskey calls the change the “Great Enrichment.”


Engels lived in Manchester on-and-off for three decades. In Manchester, he was visited multiple times by his friend and fellow German philosopher, Karl Marx. Moved by the state of the poor in Manchester and other factory cities, and failing to recognize the ongoing Great Enrichment, the two men developed a political philosophy that aimed to create a workers’ paradise.

Their proposed solutions tragically led to far worse suffering—including food shortages, gulags, 100 million deaths, and psychological scars that still echo to this day, with heightened dishonesty and lower trust persisting in formerly communist areas. Ironically, Marx and Engels’ goals of shorter work-days and higher incomes have been achieved within a market economy .


As the quintessential industrial city, there is no doubt that Manchester earned its nickname, “the workshop of the world.” As a key early center of industrialization, Manchester underwent an at-times difficult transition with profound effects. The unprecedented prosperity created by industrialization eventually allowed for the improvement of working conditions and the heightened living standards that characterize post-industrial affluence. For helping to weave the fabric of the modern world, Manchester is deservedly our twenty-second Center of Progress.

Blog Post | Health & Medical Care

Centers of Progress, Pt. 3: Mohenjo-Daro (Sanitation)

The city of Mohenjo-Daro pioneered new standards of urban sanitation.

Today marks the third installment in a series of articles by HumanProgress.org called Centers of Progress. Where does progress happen? The story of civilization is in many ways the story of the city. It is the city that has helped to create and define the modern world. This bi-weekly column will give a short overview of urban centers that were the sites of pivotal advances in culture, economics, politics, technology, etc.

Our third Center of Progress is Mohenjo-Daro, a city in today’s Pakistan that pioneered new standards of urban sanitation. The city is thought to have been constructed circa 2500 BC, although the site has been inhabited since around 3500 BC. Mohenjo-Daro was the largest urban center of the ancient Indus Valley civilization, covering nearly 500 acres, and one of the world’s earliest major cities.

The people of the Indus Valley civilization invented new water supply and sanitation devices that were the first of their kind. They included piping and a complex sewage system. Tunnels under Mohenjo-Daro carried the citys waste to a nearby estuary. Almost all of the citys houses had indoor baths and latrines with drains, and the city also showed its dedication to cleanliness with a large public bathhouse used for ritual bathing. National Geographic has opined that their civilization enjoyed the ancient worlds best plumbing,” in some ways surpassing even the plumbing system that the Roman civilization would later create.

Ever since humanity gave up hunting and gathering to live in permanent settlements, our species has faced health challenges related to hygiene and the proper disposal of waste. Since the advent of cities, humanity has been vulnerable to rapidly spreading illnesses, because disease propagates more easily in concentrated populations. That is particularly true without adequate sanitation, and water-borne illnesses—such as cholera, diarrhea, dysentery, hepatitis A, typhoid, and various gastrointestinal diseases—were once a common cause of death.

Advances in sanitation have allowed people to live near one another in cities with less risk to their health than in the past. In particular, safe disposal of effluent to spare the water supply from contamination has proved to be a truly game-changing innovation. It has been argued that plumbers are the unsung heroes of civilization.

Today, Mohenjo-Daro is a striking archaeological site in the Sindh province of Pakistan. The sites name means “Mound of the Dead” in Sindhi. Only part of the ancient city has been excavated and much of it remains hidden. Mohenjo-Daro has been designated as a UNESCO World Heritage site. Located on the right bank of the Indus River, Mohenjo-Daro is the most impressive of the ruined cities remaining from the Indus Valley Civilization. Mohenjo-Daros surviving structures are made of bricks fashioned from red sand, clay, and stones, lending the ruins a ruddy hue.

The Indus Valley civilization arose in the floodplains of the Indus and Sarasvati rivers in what is now northwest India and Pakistan, around 5000 years ago. The rivers flooded twice a year in a predictable manner, making the land fertile and allowing the Indus people to farm everything from cotton to dates to support their growing population.

Their prosperity also flowed from conflict avoidance and from their vast trade networks. They established one of the first long-distance trade relationships in the world by exchanging goods with the Mesopotamians located nearly two thousand miles to the west, as early as 3000 BC. Indus exports included spices such as clove heads, luxury goods like carnelian beads artfully etched with acid, and possibly even livestock such as water buffaloes. Their imports from the Mesopotamians included textiles and various artistic motifs and legends⁠—including aspects of the legend that would come to be known as the Epic of Gilgamesh⁠. The Indus people also had what is thought to be a written language, now called the Indus Script, which has yet to be deciphered by scholars.

If you could have visited Mohenjo-Daro in its heyday, you would have seen an orderly city of dense, multistoried homes with flat roofs fashioned out of uniformly sized bricks, standing along a grid of perpendicular streets. The grander houses had up to twelve rooms. You would have seen people gathering water, in decorated pottery jugs, from the numerous public wells and chatting, perhaps discussing art. Archeological evidence suggests that Mohenjo-Daros residents enjoyed art forms ranging from metal sculpture to dance. You may have observed children playing games, including games with dice, which many historians believe that the Indus people invented.

The citys population may have peaked at around 40,000 people, similar to the population of Annapolis, Maryland, today. The men probably wore a cloth around their waist, perhaps gathered in a way that resembles modern dhoti pants, while the women wore longer skirts or robes. Wealthy people of both sexes wore jewelry with ivory, lapis, carnelian, and gold beads, as well as elaborate hairstyles and headdresses.

Walking through the city, you would have observed that Mohenjo-Daro had no grand temples, palaces, monuments or royal tombs. The society of Mohenjo-Daro seems to have been far less hierarchical than the cities of the Mesopotamians with whom the former traded. The people in Mohenjo-Daro may have had no king or, if they had one, he had only little authority. The lack of any royal structures certainly suggests the absence of a powerful ruler, although it remains unknown what kind of system governed the city.

Instead of a palace, the largest structure in the city was an immense, elevated public bathhouse. The Great Bath of Mohenjo-Daro measured almost 900 square feet, with a maximum depth of around 8 feet. It was constructed of fine brickwork, with a pool floor made of three layers: sawed brick set in gypsum mortar, then bitumen sealer, followed by another layer of sawed brick and gypsum mortar.

The status of the bathhouse as the citys biggest and most prominent structure suggests that the people of Mohenjo-Daro highly valued cleanliness. Their entire ideology may have been based on cleanliness, according to historian Gregory Possehl of the University of Pennsylvania.

The bathhouse may have been a sacred place, and scholars believe that it was likely used for ritual bathing. The people did not need to use the bathhouse for everyday washing, because the houses of the city each had what was then a remarkable, groundbreaking feature: practically every home in the city, from the largest to the humblest, had a washroom.

These rooms were typically small, and square or rectangular in shape. In each washroom, the brick pavement floor was carefully built to slope toward a corner containing a simple latrine and drain, as well as a drained washing area. The slanted floors helped to ensure proper drainage, and the bricks were set tightly together to prevent leaking. Around each drain-hole the bricks were so meticulously rubbed down and fitted together that the joints were nearly invisible. In some cases, the bricks were overlaid on a bed of pottery debris to further bolster the floors resistance to leaks.

Homes with washrooms on upper floors were fitted with vertical terracotta pipes that carried effluent down to the street-level. The pipes of fired clay were joined together with tar to make them watertight. The Indus were the first people to have indoor plumbing, perhaps as early as 3000 BC. The pipes were positioned so that wastewater flowed down into the drain ditches that ran along every avenue in the city, and then into underground tunnels. Thanks to the invention of drain ditches, the cleanliness of the citys streets was remarkable for the ancient world.

As the citys population grew and the amount of waste it processed increased, the people kept their drain ditches functional by raising the brick walls alongside the former—to prevent effluent overflow into the streets. Archeological evidence suggests that the walls grew gradually in size to meet the citys needs. The ditches and connected underground sewage tunnels carried waste away from the city, protecting its well-water supply from contamination.

Just like modern washrooms, the washrooms of Mohenjo-Daro were used for multiple personal hygiene activities, including bathing. Surviving artifacts suggest that the Indus poured pottery jugs of water over themselves to shower, and utilized clay scrapers similar to Greco-Roman strigils to cleanse themselves. In these rooms they also used pottery rasp tools to remove cuticles and shape their nails. Some washroom ruins contain what may be oil residue, suggesting that the washroom was also where Mohenjo-Daros residents moisturized their skin with oils.

Some traditions appear to be timeless. For example, evidence suggests that Mohenjo-Daros children played with bath toys just like todays children. Instead of rubber ducks and plastic boats, their toy figurines were made of pottery. [T]o judge from the number of pottery models that have been found in the drains, it would seem that the childish habit of taking play-things into the bath has persisted for thousands of years,” according to the British archeologist Ernest Mackay, who led the excavation of Mohenjo-Daro in the 1920s and 1930s.

Children were arguably the greatest beneficiaries of Mohenjo-Daros dedication to hygiene, although the citys washrooms and sewage system were essential to the health of all of its people. While it can be hard to remember for those of us lucky enough to be able to take modern sanitation for granted, standards of hygiene throughout most of human history have been appalling. Associated illnesses were responsible for high rates of mortality, especially among children.

Mohenjo-Daros advanced plumbing serves as a reminder that progress is not steady or linear. Many people who lived thousands of years later coped with conditions far less hygienic than those enjoyed by Mohenjo-Daros people in the 3rd millennium BC.

It was not until the 19th century that urban sanitation became widespread. Those advances, along with the discovery of the germ theory of disease, are the primary reasons for the dramatic rise in human life expectancy, according to Nobel Prize–winning economist Angus Deaton. While more people now enjoy proper sanitation than at any other time in history, even today, in poor areas of the world, far too many people contend with inadequate sanitation and accompanying diseases.

Mohenjo-Daro is thought to have been gradually abandoned almost four thousand years ago, when the Indus river shifted its course and farmers could no longer rely upon it to irrigate their crops. Today, Mohenjo-Daro is best-known as the largest remnant of the enigmatic Indus Valley civilization. Because the Indus people’s writing system is currently unreadable, many aspects of that civilization remain a mystery. The religion and seemingly kingless government system of Mohenjo-Daro are unknown, as are the reasons for the Indus Valley civilizations ultimate demise.

For developing plumbing and wastewater management, Mohenjo-Daro has earned its place as our third Center of Progress. Without washrooms and sewage systems, our lives would be far shorter and less hygienic.

Blog Post | Adoption of Technology

The World Has Come a Long Way from Cesspits to Sanitation

The need to keep waste away from human contact may seem obvious today, but for millennia that was not the case.

Most of us take modern restrooms for granted, but proper sanitation is a relatively modern phenomenon and is still far too rare in the poorest regions of the world.

The need to keep human and animal waste away from human contact may seem obvious today, but for millennia that was not the case. Before the emergence of the germ theory of disease, and the subsequent public health campaigns and construction of adequate sanitation infrastructure in most of the world, people and waste commingled – with catastrophic results.

Countless millions of people got sick or died from diseases such as diarrhoea, ascariasis (a type of intestinal worm infection), cholera, hepatitis, trachoma, polio, schistosomiasis and so on.

In due deference to our ancestors, it has to be noted that some cultures, such as ancient Rome, paid due attention to cleanliness. The Romans built numerous public baths, which were accessible even to the very poor for a nominal fee, and a sophisticated system of sewers that enabled Rome to grow and reach a population of over 1 million people around the start of the first millennium. That feat would not be replicated in Europe until London and Paris in the 19th century.

In general, however, standards of hygiene tended to be very poor. A typical urban dwelling had a cesspit underneath the house or next to it. That’s where human and kitchen waste accumulated and fermented. Inadequate drainage, irregular emptying and heavy rains could make the cesspit overflow and seep into the house. While discouraged by the city authorities, people often emptied their chamber pots into the streets below.

As Johan Norbeg of the Cato Institute wrote in his 2016 book Progress: Ten Reasons to Look Forward to the Future, “When pedestrians heard the shout of ‘Gardyloo!’ they ran for cover. This phrase, taken from the French for ‘Look out for the water,’ was your only warning that someone was about to throw their waste out of the window.”

In rural areas, people lived with their animals, including chickens and cows, and used both animal and human waste to fertilise their crops – an extremely dangerous practice compounded by the fact that people could go throughout much of their lives without ever washing their hands. That led to epidemics of disease as well as other unsavoury consequences.

The Jews, who sometimes died at lower rates than the rest of the populace thanks to the frequent washing of hands that is prescribed by Judaism, were often accused of witchcraft, persecuted and even killed.

The Black Death, which killed between 30 and 60 per cent of the European population in the 14th century, complicated matters further. According to some medical experts of the day, “once heat and water created openings (pores) through the skin, the plague could easily invade the entire body.” As such, even the rich and powerful tended to avoid bathing. Elizabeth I took a bath once a month, “whether she needed it or not,” but her successor, James I, only washed his fingers.

The Journal de la santé, which was kept for Louis XIV by his doctors from infancy until a few years before he died, described the king’s daily life in microscopic detail, but mentioned bathing only once. His magnificent palace of Versailles had no proper waste facilities and people relieved themselves where they stood – in the hallways, behind the curtains and in the gardens.

One 18th century observer noted that Versailles was “the receptacle of all of humanity’s horrors – the passageways, corridors and courtyards are filled with urine and faecal matter.” All that filth was an excellent breeding ground for vermin and disease that periodically decimated the rich and poor alike.

Today, poor sanitation is mostly limited to very poor countries. In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, a mere 30 percent of the population had access to improved sanitation facilities in 2015. That was an improvement on 1990, when only 24 percent did. In other parts of the world, progress was much faster.

In South Asia, which includes very populous countries like India and Bangladesh, the share of the population with access to improved sanitation rose from 20 to 45 percent over the same time period. Globally, it increased from 53 to 68 percent. That should only improve with Prime Minister Modi’s ‘Clean India’ project to build some 111 million new toilets in the space of just five years.

The United Nations’ aim of ending open defecation by 2030 seems quite optimistic for regions like sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, but there is no apparent reason why East Asia, Latin America and the Middle East should not be able to reach the European level of 93 percent or even the North American level of 100 percent by 2030.

As in so many areas of human development, what was once the preserve of the rich West is now becoming commonplace all over the world, helping ever more people live richer, healthier, more hygienic lives.

This first appeared in CapX.

Blog Post | Economic Growth

Cities Are Central to Human Flourishing

Urbanization is good for humanity and for the environment.

Increasing urbanization may not sound like a particularly positive and newsworthy trend. In fact, cities are the engines of human liberation and economic growth. Urbanization is also good for the planet, for people in the cities have a smaller environmental footprint than people in the countryside. As such, it should be welcomed and encouraged.

Traditionally, between 80 percent and 90 percent of humanity lived in rural areas and worked in agriculture. As late as 1900, 40 percent of Americans, to give just one example, worked on farms. Today, less than 2 percent do. Prior to mechanization, farm work was physically exhausting and poorly paid, which helps to explain why people started to move from the countryside to the cities. At first, most found employment in manufacturing. Today, they tend to occupy better paid and physically less strenuous jobs in the service sector.

In the past, cities were the engines of liberation. In Medieval Europe, for example, serfs who escaped from their masters and lived in a city for “a year and a day” became free from servitude. Hence the German saying, “Stadtluft macht frei” or “city air makes you free.” Cities also offered better schools, leading to higher levels of literacy and political consciousness and, in time, democratization.

At first, cities were even less sanitary than the countryside. Unprepared for the huge influx of people from the countryside, they could not cope with overcrowding and the spread of contagious diseases. Over time, urban infrastructure caught up with population growth and today cities provide superior medical care, leading to life expectancy that is, typically, a few years higher than that in the countryside.

Urban centers have been more welcoming to different lifestyles and beliefs since time immemorial. That was of particular significance to sexual and religious minorities, who were more broadly tolerated in cities, such as renaissance Florence and early modern Amsterdam, than they would have been in more intimate rural settings.

Finally, cities offered and continue to offer a greater variety of amusements, leisure activities and intellectual stimuli. As Samuel Johnson famously put it in 1777, “Why, Sir, you find no man, at all intellectual, who is willing to leave London. No, Sir, when a man is tired of London, he is tired of life; for there is in London all that life can afford.”

For once, Karl Marx may have been right when he wrote in the Communist Manifesto, “The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life.” Harsh, perhaps, but true.

In many countries today, cities are the centers of innovation, engines of growth, and home to the richest segment of the population – just think of Delhi, London, New York, Shanghai, Seoul and Tokyo. In fact, the World Bank found that “No country has grown to middle income without industrializing and urbanizing. None has grown to high income without vibrant cities.” Yet as late as 1950, a mere 29 percent of humanity lived in the cities. In 2018, it was 55 percent. In 2050, it is projected, 68 percent of people on Earth will be city-dwellers. In sub-Saharan Africa, 40 percent of the population live in cities – a figure that will rise to 57 percent in 2050.

Many of the environmental advantages of urbanization are derived from living spaces being condensed. For example, electricity use per person in cities is lower than electricity use per person in the suburbs and rural areas. Condensed living space also allows for more of the natural environment to be preserved. In a suburban or rural environment, private properties are spread out, because land values are relatively low. So, more of the natural environment is destroyed. In cities, property values are higher and space is used more efficiently. That means that more people live in the same square mile of land than in the rural areas.

Another environmental advantage of cities compared to rural areas is a decrease in carbon emissions per person. In a rural or suburban area people normally use their own vehicles to drive to work or anywhere else. Due to congestion, the use of personal cars in the city is much less attractive. More people use public transportation instead and that means that less carbon dioxide gets released into the atmosphere.

None of the above advantages of urban life should be read so as to deny the loveliness of the countryside, which is made all the lovelier by having more animals and fewer people living in it.

A version of this first appeared in CapX.