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01 / 05
Abundance Doesn’t End

Blog Post | Energy & Natural Resources

Abundance Doesn’t End

Ideas are not like a jar of jellybeans. We’ll never reach the bottom and go hungry.

Summary: This article challenges the pessimistic view of Emmanuel Macron, who declared the end of the age of abundance due to various crises and shortages. It argues that abundance is the product of freedom and knowledge, meaning political decisions, not physical limits, are what restrict further growth and prosperity.


This article was originally published in The Spectator.

It is political decisions that limit growth and freedom.

Speaking to his ministers at the Élysée Palace last Thursday, the très sérieux Emmanuel Macron called for unity and sacrifice as he announced the end of the age of abundance because of a parade of horrors, including global warming, war in Ukraine, and the ongoing supply problems.

“What we are currently living through is a kind of major tipping point or a great upheaval,” said Macron. “We are living through the end of what could have seemed an era of abundance…the end of the abundance of products, of technologies that seemed always available…the end of the abundance of land and materials including water.”

What is abundance, though? It is the product of modernity – a singular episode in the 300,000-year history of our species that gradually lifted humanity from starvation, disease, early death, ignorance, and permanent war toward historically unprecedented plentitude of food, trebling of life expectancy, management, or complete eradication of a plethora of diseases, close to universal literacy and numeracy, and ‘merely’ episodic outbreaks of war.

The fact that people in the West were shocked by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine attests to a completely different mindset of us—the moderns—from that of our ancestors, who expected armies to cross borders every spring. The same can be said of our approach to the Covid pandemic. Europeans of yore ascribed pandemics to God’s wrath or the passage of Saturn, not tiny organisms that could be defeated with mRNA vaccines.

Modernity started in the Low Countries and in the United Kingdom some 300 years ago, before spreading to much of the rest of the world. Many factors set the stage for this salubrious break with our brutish past, including the Age of Discovery and the introduction of the New World staples to the Continent, the Scientific Revolution that elevated empirical evidence and practical experimentation above the wisdom of the ancients or pronouncements from authority, the Enlightenment that insisted on the primacy of logic and reason, and the Industrial Revolution that harnessed new sources of energy to make humanity much more productive and vastly richer.

The thread that ties different aspects of modernity—technology, science, medicine, production processes, and so on—together is the notion of “continuous innovation.” Of course, man always innovated (we gained control of fire perhaps as early as 1.7 million years ago, for example), but our discoveries were sporadic and, sometimes, reversible. Efflorescences of relative prosperity—Rome of the Antonines and China under the Song dynasty spring to mind—occasionally arose but always petered out, and “dark ages” often followed. All that changed in the second half of the 18th century, when the Western world chanced upon a sustained process of generating, accumulating, and actuating new knowledge. We have been scaling the ladder of human progress ever since.

The process of sustained innovation is chiefly driven by population growth and freedom. Knowledge creation starts with new ideas that originate in the human mind. More minds generate more ideas. It is these ideas that lead to new inventions, which are then tested by the market forces to separate the more valuable from the less valuable. At the end of the market test, humans are left with innovations that drive productivity, economic growth, and large increases in the standards of living. But large populations are not enough to sustain abundance. To innovate, people must be allowed to think, speak, publish, associate, and disagree. They must be allowed to save, invest, trade, and profit. In a word, they must be free.

The social environment, then, provides the incentives that either encourage or discourage individuals to manifest and actuate their ideas. Individuals, who lack equal legal rights, and face onerous regulatory burdens, confiscatory taxation, or insecure property rights, will be disincentivized from turning their ideas into inventions and innovations. Conversely, people who function under conditions of legal equality, sensible regulation, moderate taxation, and secure property rights will apply their talents to their benefit and, ultimately, to that of society.

The modernity of prosperity happened because western Europe and its offshoots stopped disincentivizing innovation and allowed their citizens to contend with new ideas without fear of ostracism, imprisonment, mutilation, or death. Similarly, they allowed for greater freedom of investment and trade without the fear of predation by the nobility or the suffocating hand of a government bureaucrat. Where Holland and the United Kingdom pioneered the way, the United States followed.

Consider an American manufacturing worker. Relative to his wages, the price of pork, rice, cocoa, wheat, corn, coffee, lamb, and beef fell by 98.4 percent, 97.6 percent, 97.1 percent, 96.7 percent, 96.1 percent, 93.8 percent, 78.6 percent, and 75.5 percent respectively between 1900 and 2018. That means that the same length of time that bought 1 pound of each commodity in 1900, bought 62.6, 41.1, 34.8, 30.5, 25.6, 16.2, 4.7, and 4 pounds in 2018.

While people cannot eat rubber, aluminum, potash, or cotton, the prices of these commodities are valuable inputs in the production processes that impact the prices of goods and services, and hence the overall standard of living. Their prices fell by 99.4 percent, 98.9 percent, 98.2 percent, and 95.8 percent, respectively. All the while, the population of the United States rose from 76 million to 328 million.

When the growth of freedom and the accumulated stock of human knowledge mixed with the massively expanding population of the planet in the post-World War II era, abundance went global. Relative to income per person, the average price of the most widely used commodities fell by an average of 84 percent between 1960 and 2018.

The personal abundance of the average inhabitant of the globe rose from 1 to 6.27 or 527 percent. Put differently, for the same amount of time that one needed to work to buy one unit in a bucket of resources in 1960, one could get more than six in 2018. Over that 58-year period, the world’s population increased from 3 billion to 7.6 billion. Moreover, as Gale L. Pooley and I found in our upcoming book, Superabundance: The Story of Population Growth, Innovation, and Human Flourishing on an Infinitely Bountiful Planet, personal resource abundance increased faster than population in all 18 datasets that we analyzed. We call that relationship “superabundance.” Simply put, on average, every additional human being created more value than he consumed.

By our count, abundance has been doubling every 20 years or so. So, a 60-year-old Westerner has seen his standard of living rise from one to two, from two to four, and from four to 8 in his lifetime. Too slow, you say? That’s the modern mind speaking. Prior to the mid-18th century, life remained pretty much the same for millennia and no one thought that unusual. Generations of people lived and died without seeing or experiencing even the tiniest of improvements in their lives. What’s more, the scope for future improvements is immense.

Consider the future discovery of useful materials. The periodic table consists of roughly 100 elements. It took our tiny population of Earth dwellers (14 million in 3,000 BC) to discover that combining copper and tin could produce a useful metal that gave its name to the Bronze Age. A recipe for a useful two-element compound requires up to 9,900 combinations (100 x 99) and a four-element compound up to 94,109,400 combinations (100 x 99 x 98 x 97). Once you get to 10-element compounds, the Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Romer wrote: “There are more recipes than seconds since the big bang created the universe. As you keep going, it becomes obvious that there have been too few people on earth and too little time since we showed up, for us to have tried more than a minuscule fraction of all the possibilities.”

The world, in other words, is a closed system in the way that a piano is a closed system. The instrument has only 88 keys, but those keys can be played in a nearly infinite variety of ways. The same applies to our planet. The Earth’s atoms may be fixed, but the possible combinations of those atoms are infinite. The American economist Thomas Sowell once observed that: “The cavemen had the same natural resources at their disposal as we have today, and the difference between their standard of living and ours is a difference between the knowledge they could bring to bear on those resources and the knowledge used today.” What matters, then, is not the physical limits of our planet, but human freedom to experiment and reimagine the use of resources that we have.

And that’s where Emmanuel Macron re-enters the picture. For all the doom and gloom emanating from the Élysée, there are no material reasons why humanity must come to experience the end of abundance. Shortages today in large part are consequences of bad government decisions. Those include the shutdown of the global economy for a better part of two years and yes, excessive environmental zeal. Or, as Tyler Cowen, one of America’s most highly regarded economists noted last Thursday: “It is hard to regard European energy policy as anything other than a huge unforced error. Keep in mind that energy supplies are far more important than their percentage of GDP might suggest. Energy is the lifeblood of modern civilisation.”

Macron’s shortages are also, most likely, temporary. Many British readers of this fine publication will recall the Winter of Discontent in 1979, while readers in the United States will no doubt remember President Jimmy Carter’s “Malaise” speech of the same year. Things looked bad back then and despondency reigned. The good news is that bad politicians can be replaced, and bad government decisions can be reversed—just think of the Reagan and Thatcher revolutions of the 1980s. And, after an adjustment period, the marvelous wealth-creating machine that is global capitalism can start to hum again. Ideas are not like a jar of jellybeans. We’ll never reach the bottom and go hungry. Nor have we misplaced almost all our copper and iron. They are still here: every ounce of them. Just like the Stone Age man would have remembered. So long as the world continues to provide a safe home for free people, be it in Britain or America, human lives shall grow ever more abundant.

World Bank | Food Prices

Global Food Prices Ease amid Improved Supply and Trade

“Global grain supplies are projected to reach a record 3.6 billion tons in the 2025-26 season, marking a third consecutive year of growth—though at a slower pace than the average annual growth of the preceding two decades. Wheat supply has returned to its long-term average growth rate, while maize supply has rebounded after recent setbacks but remains below its historical trend. In contrast, supplies of rice and soybeans are projected to grow at about their long-term growth averages, building on last season’s significantly elevated levels.”

From World Bank.

Curiosities | Trade

The Real Story of the “China Shock”

“The total number of jobs remained largely stable in the U.S.—and even slightly increased—as people adapted to competition from Chinese trade. Trade-exposed places recovered after 2010, primarily by adding young-adult workers, foreign-born immigrants, women and the college-educated to service-sector jobs.

Lost in the alarm over jobs is that trade with China delivered substantial benefits to the U.S. economy. Most obvious are the lower prices Americans pay for everything from clothing and electronics to furniture. One study found that a 1 percentage point increase in imports from China led to about a 1.9% drop in consumer prices in the U.S. For every factory job lost to Chinese competition, American consumers in aggregate gained an estimated $411,000 in consumer welfare. This so-called Walmart effect disproportionately helped middle- and lower-income families, who spend a bigger share of their budget on the kinds of cheap goods China excels at producing.

U.S. businesses also reaped advantages. Manufacturers who use imported parts or materials benefited from cheaper inputs, making them more competitive globally. An American appliance company, for example, could buy low-cost Chinese components to lower its production costs, keep its product prices down and potentially hire more workers.”

From Wall Street Journal.

UN Trade and Development | Trade

Global Trade Hits Record $33 Trillion in 2024

“Global trade hit a record $33 trillion in 2024, expanding 3.7% ($1.2 trillion), according to the latest Global Trade Update by UN Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which warns that while trade remains strong, uncertainty looms in 2025…

Developing economies outpaced developed nations, with imports and exports rising 4% for the year and 2% in the fourth quarter, driven mainly by East and South Asia. South-South trade expanded 5% annually and 4% in the last quarter.

Chain and India outperformed global trade averages. In contrast, trade in the Russian Federation, South Africa, and Brazil remained sluggish for most of the year, with some improvement in the fourth quarter.

Meanwhile, developed economies’ trade stagnated, with imports and exports flat for the year and down 2% in the last quarter.”

From UN Trade and Development.

Blog Post | Trade

An Update on the Trump Tariffs | Podcast Highlights

Scott Lincicome joins Marian Tupy to discuss how President Trump's trade policies will affect American prosperity, national security, government revenue, and industry.

Listen to the podcast or read the full transcript here.

Why is trade important to human progress?

Trade helps us access goods and services from around the world at low prices. That improves our living standards, allows our wages to go further, and makes life more fun. Thanks to international trade, we have year-round access to fruits and vegetables that used to be seasonal or simply not available at all.

But it’s deeper than that. Trade is part of the great prosperity machine of free markets. Individuals trade not only goods and services but also for knowledge. That boosts our society and prosperity. It allows for innovation, either via competition or by importing innovations from abroad. Trade also allows individuals to learn about other places. And in general, trade tempers the desire to go to war. You don’t want to kill your customers. And that helps make the world a little safer.

Now, let’s assume that you don’t like foreigners. You think they are nasty don’t treat us fairly and whatever else. We have 350 million people in America. Why can’t we make everything we need here?

We technically could make everything ourselves, especially in a place like the United States, but that would just make us poorer and less productive.

I’ll give you a good example. It pays about $12 an hour to work at a T-shirt manufacturing plant in South Carolina. It pays much more to go work at Amazon or Costco. So why not purchase T-shirts from a place like Guatemala, where working in a T-shirt factory is a good, high-paying job? It just makes sense for us to trade for those things and not force American workers into those low-wage jobs.

Instead of making clothes and shoes, we can outsource those things and focus instead on higher-value production. We can work in tech, services, or advanced manufacturing. That specialization is critically important for raising living standards.

Trade is also about opportunity cost. At any given time, we only have a set amount of raw materials, workers, and capital, and if you devote those resources to lower-value production, those resources can’t flow to higher-value options. This is part of the unseen aspect of protectionism. When we put tariffs on washing machines, we might get a washing machine plant in South Carolina, but what we don’t see is that all of the resources that went to making and operating that factory could have been deployed in more productive endeavors if we had just simply bought washing machines from abroad.

Resources are also wasted on the consumer side. If you and I are forced to spend an extra hundred dollars on a washing machine, that’s money we can’t spend elsewhere in the economy. Those washing machine tariffs I mentioned created about 1000 washing machine jobs, but it cost American consumers around $800,000 a year per job created. That’s simply a loss of financial resources that could have been deployed elsewhere.

What do you make of the arguments that consumption should take second place to something else, such as national cohesion or pride or security?

First we should simply note the facts.

The first thing to know is that the United States today is the world’s second largest manufacturing nation. So, we are still a large manufacturing nation; we just don’t need a lot of workers because our workers are very productive, probably the most productive in the world.

The second is that American manufacturing is very dependent on trade. All manufacturers are consumers at some level, but that’s especially true for more advanced manufacturers like we have in the United States. They need access to cheap raw materials and parts. If you jack up the price of steel and throw a bunch of tariffs on auto parts, you end up lowering production in these more advanced industries. Steel was a case study of this. We imposed a bunch of tariffs on steel during the first Trump administration, and studies have shown that we saw a modest increase in steel output and employment, but overall manufacturing output and employment fell. According to the United States International Trade Commission, we had about a $500 million yearly net loss in manufacturing output because of the steel tariffs.

I should note one of my favorite stats: about half of everything imported into the United States today is a manufacturing input. It’s stuff that our manufacturers use to make other stuff. A lot of that also comes from their own companies abroad. So, Airbus has a facility in South Carolina that imports from Airbus France. BMW, also in South Carolina, imports from BMW in Germany. If you shut down their ability to access their parts and equipment abroad, you’re going to reduce their output in the United States. If you care about national defense, kneecapping BMW, Airbus, and Boeing is a bad thing.

Our manufacturers also need access to overseas markets and overseas consumers. About 95 percent of the world’s consumers live outside the United States. And so, if you deny American companies the ability to access those markets or make them globally uncompetitive by raising their input costs, then you’re harming the manufacturing sector.

So if you remember those things, as well as access to foreign capital, you realize that openness and production are not exclusive; they’re complementary. The former boosts the latter.

I also think there is a misunderstanding here about national security and trade. The criticism is that if we don’t have steel mills in the United States, we will depend on Chinese steel to build our aircraft carriers and tanks. But that’s not really how it works.

Right. We do import a good amount of steel, but the top steel suppliers to the United States are countries like Canada, Europe, and Japan. Countries like Russia and China are not in the top 10. And when you talk about a country like China with a billion and a half people and a massive manufacturing footprint, it makes sense for us to pool our resources with our allies and enter into trade and defense agreements. That allows us to work together boost the overall productive capacity of our defense industrial base. The US Defense industrial base includes Canada right now. That’s how close of an ally Canada is. So slapping tariffs on stuff from Canada just doesn’t make much sense, and it’s even more baffling that they’re doing it on national security grounds.

This is a good place for you to tell us about what’s been happening since Donald Trump took over the presidency. Where are we currently?

It’s been a busy few weeks. Shortly after President Trump’s inauguration, he issued several executive orders invoking a national emergency with respect to fentanyl coming from China, Mexico, and Canada. By invoking that national emergency, he unlocked tariff or trade powers under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. It’s a cautionary tale about congressional delegations of power, but that’s an issue for another podcast. The President has since then imposed 20 percent tariffs on all Chinese goods. And those are on top of the 25 percent tariffs from his first term on half of Chinese goods and 25 percent tariffs on imports from Canada and Mexico.

He has also jacked up tariff rates from 10 percent to 25 percent for aluminum, and he kept the 25 percent steel tariffs, but he closed all of the exemptions that had been there before.

This is a huge change because around half of all steel and aluminum imports were exempt from the national security tariffs that Trump imposed the first time around. There were a series of agreements with companies going to the administration and saying, “We can’t get the steel and aluminum we need here,” and getting an exclusion. Trump has now shut all of those down. Not great for our manufacturing sector.

The President has also promised reciprocal tariffs. So, if India has a 20 percent tariff on American motorcycles, we’re going to put a 20 percent tariff on Indian motorcycles.

Markets are not thrilled. Not only with the tariffs but also the uncertainty. Economic policy is not supposed to enacted via a switch in the Oval Office. The President is turning on tariffs and then turning them off, sometimes in the same day. As any investor or lawyer will tell you, the thing that companies hate more than taxes is uncertainty. Without that predictability and consistency in the market, they can’t hire or invest. They freeze up and sit on their hands. That’s probably a bigger immediate problem than the tariffs themselves.

The other thing they’re going to do is stockpile. Right now, people in the construction industry are filling warehouses with construction materials because they’re worried about tariffs on Canadian lumber and steel. Having a warehouse full of stuff is a huge cost. You have to rent the warehouse and buy all the stuff, and that’s capital that you can’t deploy by hiring more workers or boosting output. Instead of focusing on their business, people are focusing on these emergency game plan scenarios.

And by the way, they’re all also lobbying in Washington. Trade policy lobbying has skyrocketed. Trade lawyers are making fortunes. They’re building beach houses in Delaware, all because of this tariff uncertainty. That’s good for them but bad for the economy. And it contradicts so much of the rhetoric coming out of this administration about eliminating inefficiency and waste and reducing the government’s role in the economy. It seems they’ve forgotten all of that on the trade front, and they’re doing basically the opposite. That will counteract the good parts of their economic agenda.

But what about fairness, Scott Lincicome? Is it fair that the Indians are placing a 20 percent tariff on us, and we are only placing 5 percent?

I have to tell you, when I heard about the reciprocal tariff, my lizard brain said to me, “Absolutely yes. Let’s make it fair.” What’s wrong with that argument?

A lot of the global trading system is based on this notion of reciprocity, but there are a few problems.

The first is the economics: matching other countries’ tariffs will make Americans poorer. Going back to the example of food, Mexico imposes certain tariffs on food, and we get a lot of food from Mexico. Does it make economic sense to impoverish our citizens in the way that Mexico impoverishes theirs? No, it doesn’t. So that’s the first issue.

There’s also a collectivist logic to this, that the government should punish some citizens to benefit others. But most of us don’t work in an export industry. We won’t benefit personally from any sort of expanded access to a foreign market. A few businesses might, but the vast majority of individuals won’t see any gains.

The other issue is America First. If you match other countries’ tariffs, you’re effectively letting them set your trade policy. I’ll give you examples because this can get very absurd. We buy a lot of coffee from Colombia. We do not grow coffee, except for a little bit in Hawaii. Well, Colombia has a 10 percent tariff on coffee beans from America, and we don’t send them any coffee beans. Should we let the Colombian government dictate our tariff policy in applying a 10 percent tariff on Colombian coffee? That’s not America First; it’s America Second. We should set tariffs and any other policy based on what’s good for America and what’s good for us as individuals, not what another country does.

Finally, practically speaking, this is a mess. You’re talking about thousands and thousands of different products from 200 different countries. You’re talking about trying to quantify not just tariff barriers but non-tariff barriers, subsidies, value-added taxes, you name it. Trying to administer this system would be incredibly difficult and would require thousands of new customs officials and tons of new paperwork, going back to how the administration is contradicting itself.

China is looming very large in this conversation. There is a lot of talk about the millions of jobs lost in the United States because of China. But my understanding is that most manufacturing jobs have been lost to automation.

First of all, is it true? And if so, should we be against automation? Tucker Carlson famously said he would be against autonomous vehicles if they took jobs away from truck drivers.

It is true that increased trade with China, starting around 1999, caused around a million manufacturing jobs to be lost. But there are two big caveats. First, those studies only looked at the jobs lost, not the jobs gained from lower input prices in manufacturing, jobs gained in services, and jobs gained from exports to China. When you include those figures, the overall net effect is a wash.

The second point is that those million manufacturing jobs were just a fraction of the total manufacturing jobs lost over the last several decades. Most of the manufacturing job loss over the last several decades was due to improving productivity. Not just robots, but computers, improved business practices, that kind of stuff.

And look, losing a job is painful, but it is an essential part of economic progress. The reason wages improve over time is productivity growth. In general, we want those robots. We want to outsource manual labor, unsafe labor, and the rest to machines because that allows us to make more stuff and have higher wages.

You can go back to telephone operators in the 1920s. That was a huge labor market shock, particularly for young women. But we would be worse off if we still had to pick up a rotary dial phone and have some woman connecting us like you see in the old movies. She’d have a job, but we would be worse off as a society. It is better to let that disruption happen and make it easy for people to adjust and move into other industries. We have all of these different policies in place—labor policy, occupational licensing, housing policy, regulatory policy—that make it harder for American workers hit by disruption to move on. That’s what we need to be focusing on.

I want to bring up one last subject. There’s a lot of discussion about Donald Trump playing some sort of four-dimensional chess. One of the arguments I’m hearing is that the tariff system is part of a concerted effort to reduce government spending and transition away from income taxes to a more consumption-oriented model. What do you think of that?

I’m extremely skeptical. One reason is the administration’s words and actions. There really isn’t a concerted effort in Washington right now to cut spending in the long term. The nips and cuts that DOGE is making are not going to make a dent in our spending trajectory. Mainly it’s Social Security and Medicare that need reform, and those are not being touched.

The second issue is the math. Tariffs aren’t a broad-based consumption tax; they are attacks on a narrow band of our consumption. Imports make up about $4 trillion out of $25 trillion in total consumption. And if you raise tariffs too high, you don’t get any imports, and you don’t get any revenue. So, there’s only so much revenue you can get from tariffs. You’re looking at maybe $400 billion a year maybe, and that’s generous. Others have said maybe $200 billion. Any more than that and imports will start shrinking. You would need to replace $2.5 trillion a year to eliminate the income tax.

The other big issue is that tariffs tend to cause the dollar to appreciate, which will make it harder for our exporters.

I just don’t see a lot of grand strategy here. And that leaves aside all the gossipy stuff we read in Politico. If we apply Occam’s Razor, the simplest answer is that President Trump likes tariffs. He likes using them as negotiating tools. He likes how it makes CEOs and government officials run to him seeking favor. He likes that they’re raising some revenue and that he can use them to push foreign governments around. That’s a far more likely explanation than some deep grand strategy.